On latest from Sarkozy, an editorial grain of salt By John Vinocur
Monday, December 15, 2008
PARIS:If you live in Europe and your president, or people speaking in his
name, are talking up preparation "without delay" of an unprecedented
European Union-Russia economic and security zone, would you think that
might wind up big news in the local papers?
Or if, in the same breath, that presidential voice says it has won
the battle for European leadership over Angela Merkel of Germany and,
to boot, has made confidential military cooperation agreements with
Britain that include nuclear weapons?
Funny thing how those assertions were presented to readers in France as nothing especially remarkable.
It's not that there's anything wrong with the alertness of editors
here. Rather, the discretion (Page 10 or Page 6 placement concerning
the clippings I'm looking at now) reflects the caution these days that
meets much of what Nicolas Sarkozy says about the world.
The circumstances last week involved Sarkozy or whoever was
authorized to speak for him (psst, you can bet the farm and the shack
at the shore it was Sarko) attempting to recast him as a second-term
Master of the Universe in 2009, regardless of his exit Dec. 31 from the
EU presidency. Top-notch reporters from publications like Le Figaro and
Le Monde were asked in to listen.
The result, from a collage of the newspapers' accounts, was another
burst of the kind of language that makes the French president's critics
say he is vain and erratic, bordering on the irresponsible; or his
advocates seek to define him as dynamic, constantly inventive, and the
only politician saving Europe from what Sarkozy calls "deathly boredom."
This time out, even through the light journalistic fog of imprecise
attribution (akin to "the White House thinks" or "Downing Street
believes"), Sarkozy outdid himself.
He proposed setting up, immediately, "a common economic space"
between the EU and Russia that, protected by its own "security space,"
including Ukraine and Turkey, would effectively keep Turkey out of EU
membership.
Don't mind the Russians, the presidential voice urged. And perhaps
finding something reassuring in the falling value of the ruble and the
Kremlin's dramatically diminished energy revenues, said, "a country
suffering from so many serious problems could not throw itself at
territorial conquests."
The contradictions were extraordinary. Only the week before, in
Helsinki, Western countries meeting with Russian leaders effectively
vetoed a plan, promoted by Sarkozy with Moscow's support, to hold a
summit meeting in Paris in June on a "new security architecture for
Europe." It had been widely dismissed as a plan to water down NATO.
Last Tuesday, Sarkozy's new line, accepting Russian opposition to
Ukraine's possible entry into NATO, was, "If the Warsaw Pact existed
and was installing missiles in Belgium, don't you think we'd support
the pro-French part of Belgium?"
What missiles? None are planned for Ukraine. And, for that matter, what EU-Russian economic and security space?
A diplomat in Brussels, who tracks such concerns, said he never
heard of it and, if past performance was a guide, tended to regard the
proposal as another case of "throwing spaghetti against a wall and
seeing if any sticks."
As for Merkel, Le Monde's version of the briefing said, "The Élysée
considers that Mr. Sarkozy won the battle for leadership of Europe over
Merkel. Abandoning the idea of a directorate of big countries, Mr.
Sarkozy believes he brought over Greece, Portugal, the Netherlands, as
well as Spain and Belgium, to his side, and in the process, reversed
the balance of power."
Voilà. France 5, Germany 0. A perfect way to reassure the Germans on
Sarkozy's calculability! Not to mention guaranteeing himself Eastern
Europe's support for his 2009 game plan as antagonist to the Czech
Republic's pro-American instincts when it assumes the EU presidency on
Jan. 1.
The danger doesn't come from Russian arms, Karel Schwarzenberg, the
Czech foreign minister, said last week in remarks that could have been
aimed at Sarkozy. "The danger is that the Russians don't accept the
idea that we don't belong to their empire anymore. For them, everything
has to be done with their permission. This is not a Soviet territory.
You can't stop reminding them."
Then there's Britain. Le Monde's account reported "confidential
agreements have been made to deepen military, notably nuclear,
cooperation."
In Brussels, the dubious diplomat said, "this might come as a
surprise to the British." If not, a party to a secret deal talking
about it for publication could end up as an embarrassment for Gordon
Brown.
Sarkozy certainly could not be doing Brown any domestic political
favors either by lamenting, as reported, the poor state of the pound.
Or by predicting, "London will finish up by adopting the common
currency."
Indeed, that was exactly what a Sarkozy friend had told him would
not be the most helpful thing for Gordon's new best friend to say.
Soon enough, according to some Europeans, Germans in particular, the Sarkozy fantasy and free-fire zone will reach its limits.
The demarcation would be Barack Obama's entry in the White House,
bearing issues like Iran, Afghanistan, and France's capacity to
function as a team player in the context of its return to NATO's
unified command in April.
It's then that the rules allowing Sarkozy's seemingly boundless
capacity to move from old friend to new, from passionate old position
(as a would-be Atlanticist) to eager new standpoint (as a Gaullist
reborn) grow very much tougher.
Obama will have too little time to waste - and too much power,
credibility and persuasiveness - not to ask Sarkozy if he wants to risk
a return to French irrelevance by promoting his own importance with a
policy hodgepodge he and France can't deliver.
French editors seem to be the first to have understood.